Moral Characters Cultivation vs. A Nation’s Administration The evolution of “the Politics of the Body” between the period of Pre-Chin Dynasty and early West Han Dynasty

修身與治國的連續性關係，一向是中國傳統的政治立場。而在這樣的關係中，身體則是其中關鍵。一方面，身體是修身的必要基礎，不管是德充於身、又或是忘身貴身，心、氣、形都構成修身的重要內容；另外一方面，也因為身體作為一種政治場域，身修則國治，而在這種層次裡，以心喻君、君為首，又或是以股肱、耳目手足為臣，於是君臣關係又往往以君王身體作比喻。因此君王不但要以身作則、以上化下，身體同時也成了國家的象徵，代表整個國家機器，身體與政體、君國同體，再到身國共治，建構了身體政治論的骨架。 在這種思考模式之中，先秦諸子中各有不同的傾向。第三章討論了其中一種身體政治論：修身磨練、道德實踐、身在政先，然後勤政愛民，本文將其概稱是「為政以德」，先秦儒墨兩家的政治理論便是秉持此說。第四章則是分析另外一種，這種理論講清靜無為、因循自然，其後更發展了形名、任勢、君無為臣有為等說，這就是「君佚臣勞」的身體政治論。其中老子、莊子講體道無為，順著這個講法，從無為到無不為，君是無為，臣卻必須有為，「君佚臣勞」終於在黃老、莊子後學與法家韓非等學說裡產生，風生水起，成為足以與「為政以德」抗衡的政治理論。第五章則是以史實與思想交會的方式，就事言理、以理即事，從理事合一的角度來看兩種身體政治論的持續發展，說明身體政治論如何在具體人事裡實現，並指出其思想的時代意義。 兩種身體政治論的觀念，在思想上究竟如何開展？在政治行為上又如何落實？本文即是藉由政治思想史的角度，從歷史與思想、理論與實際、政治行為與傳統文化的觀察，瞭解其間的複雜關係。 在學術與政治之間、在權力與哲學之中，身體政治論透露了思想家的關懷與理想，也折射出他們的遺憾與失望。本文即是希望經由這樣的研究，藉述史而知世情，能因此對先秦到秦漢政治思想作出一些貢獻。The interrelationship of moral character cultivation and a nation’s administration always stated and reflected Chinese’s traditional political condition. In such relationship, body was the key element. On the one part, body was the necessary foundation for moral character cultivation. Whether the emphasis was put on having great virtue inside or on either depreciating or appreciating human body, it all believed human’s heart, his mental status, and the form and structure constituted important concepts of moral character cultivation. On the other part, it was also because human body was deemed as a kind of political ground; when body and mind was trained, i.e. when moral character was cultivated, one was able to govern the country. In such administrative level, “heart” was a metaphor of the king, which was the leader of a country; “hands and legs” and “ears and eyes” implied the king’s subjects. Therefore, the king and the subject’s relationship were often imaged by the king’s body. Because of such idea, not only the king himself should set good examples with his own conducts and influence and reform the people by his own behavior, but also the king’s body would symbolize and represent the whole nation. The ideas of “body and polity”, “king and the nation were equally correlated”, and “body and the nation should be cultivated and administrated simultaneously”, constructed the frameworks of the theory of “the politics of the body”.ithin such pattern of thought, great philosophers in Pre-Chin Dynasty had different arguments. Chapter III discussed among one of the body politics theory: moral characters cultivation and discipline, morality realization, body and mind cultivation before administrating the nation, and then putting efforts in governing the nation and loving his people. This article generalized and named this as the theory of “Wei-Jheng-Yi-De (meaning using morality to govern the nation)”. This was just like the political arguments held by the Confucianism and the Mohists in Pre-Chin Dynasty. Chapter IV analyzed another argument, which paid attention to solitude, inactivity, and the administration of doing nothing that goes against the nature. Later, this argument even evolved into versions of “Sing-Ming (meaning actuality and name)”, “Ren-Shih (meaning power appointment)”, “Jyun-wu-wei, Chen-you-wei (meaning an incapable king is acceptable, but his subjects must be capable of assisting the king)”. These were the body politics theory of “Jyun-yi-Chen-lao (meaning the king can be at ease, but his subjects must be hard-working)”. In this argument, Lao Tzu and Chuang Tzu stressed on morality realization and inactivity. Following this thinking, from “inactivity and doing everything possible” to the statement of “king can be incompetent but his subjects must be very capable of assisting the king”, the argument of “Jyun-yi-Chen-lao” finally came into existence from the doctrines of Huang Lao, Chuang Tzu’s later study, and Hanfei of the Legalism. When such argument arose, it became an important political theory that was compatible with the idea of “ Wei-Jheng-Yi-De”. Combined real history and different thoughts, Chapter V elaborated theories on historical matters and used theories to explain such matters. From the angle of combing theories and real history, it viewed the continuous development of the two body politics arguments and illustrated how the politics of the body can be realized in the real world. It also indicated the time meaning of such thinking.ow did the two concepts of the politics of the body elaborate in thinking? And how were those carried out as the form of political behavior? This article, standing on the point of history of political thoughts, investigated history and thoughts, theory and reality, political behavior and traditional culture, and tried to understand the complicated relationship among them.etween learning and politics, authority and philosophy, theory of the politics of the body not only revealed Chinese philosopher’s concerns and ideals, but also reflected their regrets and disappointments. Through such study, this article hoped to expound the history, so as to know the worldly wisdom and therefore to make some contribution to the political thinking between Pre-Chin Dynasty and early West Han Dynasty.口試委員會審定書謝i文摘要VI文摘要VIII一章 緒論（1）一節 研究動機與問題意識（1） 身、心、氣（5） 修身－治國（8） 兩種理想類型的身體政治論（11）二節 文獻回顧與章節安排 （14）二章 身體：中國古代思維方式的特徵（36）一節 作為「具體性思維」與「聯繫性思維」的身體（36） 以類度類：「具體性思維」的身體（36） 同構互感：「聯繫性思維」的身體（41）二節 政體與身體－身國共治（44） 國君以國為體（44） 國君一體下的君臣關係（48）三節 周代人文意識的興起（50） 殷周天命觀（50） 春秋威儀觀（54）三章 踐形與德治－為政以德的身體政治論（58）一節 修齊治平之路（58） 一個關鍵的人物：孔子（58） 後繼者：孟子（65） 另個後繼者：荀子（69）二節 修身、治國、《墨子》（79）三節 身國共治：從出土文獻來看（86） 郭店楚簡的修身與治國（86） 上博簡〈民之父母〉的五至與三無（92）四節 小結（99）四章 無為而無不為－君佚臣勞的身體政治論（101）一節 從《老子》談起（101）二節 無身與齊物（106） 《老子》的身體政治論（106） 支離、齊物、逍遙遊（112）三節 黃老與法家（123） 黃老思想與《黃老帛書》（125） 黃老思想與《管子》四篇（133） 法家：另種類型的君佚臣勞（142）四節 小結（153）五章 秦代到西漢前期政治思想析論－兩種身體政治論的發展（155）一節 君佚臣勞：從《呂氏春秋》到《淮南子》（155） 《呂氏春秋》的身體政治論（155） 秦朝與法家（169） 西漢前期與黃老（172） 治國如治身：《淮南子》（181）二節 為政以德：從《新語》到《春秋繁露》（196） 「文武並用，長久之術也」：陸賈與《新語》（201） 講無為的儒者：韓嬰與《韓詩外傳》（206） 《天人三策》與《春秋繁露》：兩種身體政治論的融合與結 束（219）三節 小結（246）六章 結論（249）考書目（255